[Civsoc-mw] [BwalolaAphunzitsi] Re: [HigherEdMalawi] ‘That we be free from fear’: Thoughts on education and Malawi at 54

[Mammo Muchie]

>
>
> Please read this and share to all in our region
>
> NB.. Please read what I wrote and quoted ten years back in 2008 and now
> President Isayas says:"We can assure you we will face the future together.
> We will work as one"
>
> This is a big change to what Reuters quoted him saying:
>
> Asked if normalisation with Ethiopian Government is possible by Reuters on
> May 13, 2008 at 5:25pm Isaias Afweki replied: “It is too late. It could
> have been mended a long time ago without going and resorting to this
> unnecessary war... if you can be an angel or someone like Christ, maybe.”
>
> Now do we have now the Angel or Christ in 10 years?
>
> Please read my Commentary in the Network of Ethiopian Scholars!
>
> http://ethiomedia.com/accent/8249.html
>
>
> *Commentary*
*When can Eritrea, Ethiopia make a lasting peace?*
By Prof. Mammo Muchie | October 7, 2008
------------------------------
[image: Prof. Mammo Muchie]
*Prof. Mammo Muchie**INSPIRING QUOTES*

“It is the moral responsibility of thinking people not to be on the side of
killers and warmongers.”
*Anonymous*

“When a war breaks out, people say: it is “too stupid,” it cannot last
long. Though a war may be “too stupid,” that does not prevent its lasting.”
*Albert Camus*

“No poor nation is rich enough to pay for war and civilisation and/or
development at the same time. Hard choices must be made. Either we have war
and barbarism or peace, development and/or civilisation. We cannot have
both.” *Anonymous*

Asked if normalisation with Ethiopian Government is possible by *Reuters* on
May 13, 2008 at 5:25pm *Isaias Afweki* replied: “It is too late. It could
have been mended a long time ago without going and resorting to this
unnecessary war... if you can be an angel or someone like Christ, maybe.”

------------------------------

Title: From Special Relationship to Special War: When Can Eritrea and
Ethiopia make up a Special Long-term Peace?

1. Introduction

Is it the case, as Issias says, that even the angels or Christ may or may
not bring normalisation of relations between the regimes in Ethiopia and
Eritrea? How is it that the situation reached such a level where even God
may not normalise it even if He were to try? It may be foolhardy for us to
try to offer something where the angels and Christ are said they may or may
not succeed if they try according to Issias’s quote above.

It is indeed very worrying when such statements are uttered by those who
should know better. They have no solution to offer only problems to
multiply over an already problem saturated region of Africa. They have no
intention to be like angels or Christ for the sake of making peace and try
to make genuine efforts to normalise daily life for the people. What is the
alternative? If they remain the demons of war and belligerence and have no
wish to be the beacon of peace and civilisation, is it not long overdue
they pass the baton to those who can act with the spirit of reconciliation
and wisdom? But the leaders say they will not leave1. They intend to stay,
though war, hubris, arrogance and contempt will continue to prevail over
commonsense, reason, humility and wisdom over the people and the region.

All those who think big, think deep and think with commitment and
knowledge, being also open to wisdom and humility from Eritrea to Ethiopia,
from Ethiopia to Somalia and Djibouti must not remain indifferent to the
plight and suffering of the people of the region whose lives are
inextricably interconnected as if they are joined by one garment of
destiny. They must try to find the solutions of peace, development and
civilisation by any means necessary now, not tomorrow! The longer the
conditions of conflict persist, the more the people die and the whole
region continues to be a failure. All the thinking elements of the region
must defy this failure, stop the executioners of war and try to bring back
hope and success.

2. The Origin of the Problem between Eritrea and Ethiopia

Eritrea, both as a name and entity, came into being as a consequence of the
European Scramble for Africa. The Ethiopian kings were at the time engaged
in a modernising and unification project grotesquely misconstrued by many
ethnic entrepreneurs today with their often very divisive agendas as a
‘colonising’ (sic!!!) project, when, in fact what the Ethiopian kings of
the time did was to confront the European onslaught to colonise Africa as a
whole.

After the Second World War, ex-Italian colony Eritrea became federated with
Ethiopia. Eritrea, and Ethiopia2 were put together in a federal arrangement
supported mainly by the then allied victors of the Second World War,
principally the two Governments of the UK and USA!

In 1961 an armed revolt started opposing the Eritrean federation with
Ethiopia by describing Eritrea falling under ‘Ethiopian colonialism.’ The
fight continued until May 27-28, 1991 when Eritrea’s current rulers
hurriedly declared in London at a news conference and formed the ‘Eritrean
provisional government.'3 There appeared to be a brief honeymoon period
with the TPLF leaders who, for their own part, declared a ‘transitional
Government in Ethiopia,’ days later in Addis Ababa.

‘A special relationship’ phase seemed to take place between the former
rebel leaders of the TPLF and EPLF specially since the TPLF leaders were
bending backwards to facilitate Eritrea to breakaway from Ethiopia, even
though this meant Ethiopia can be a landlocked nation!

However, the honey moon for the special relationship did not last long
since a war broke out between the TPLF and EPLF leaders during 1998-2000,
where nearly tens of thousands perished and nearly a million people were
displaced. The war ended without a victor and an infamous deal was made in
Algiers that brought UN peacekeepers to keep the hostile armies at bay.
Since then there is a ‘no war, no peace’ situation with severe costs to the
people on both sides of the Mereb River. Given Eritrea and Ethiopia cannot
live with war or under the threat of war, what must be done to go from this
special war situation to a special peace or special relationship?

We take the risk to reflect on this daunting problem in the hope of
injecting reason and dialogue to prevail over the state of protracted
unreason, arrogance and belligerence that prioritise war and death over
life, peace, development and civilisation over the entire Horn of Africa
region today.

3. The roots of the Eritrea-Ethiopia Conflict

The story of the relationship of Eritrea and Ethiopia has been nothing but
tragic since the 19th century European Scramble of Africa brought Eritrea
both as a name and an entity into being. That the seeds of war were planted
by the imperial project is inconvertible for all to see. What is deeply
disturbing is that the negative gaze issued from the Scramble for Africa
has not ended in this region long after it has formally closed its chapter
in the rest of Africa. This is all the more disturbing as Ethiopia has been
one of the staunchest anti-colonial resistance-nations in Africa, and if
not, indeed, in the world.

*Both Eritrea and Ethiopia have been victims of colonialism. Their
divisions and fight is rooted in the European colonial project over Africa.
In that sense there is no difference between them and what happened to the
rest of Africa. But this understanding has not been attained by the
generations that currently rule or wish to oppose those that rule both
Eritrea and Ethiopia. Instead of sympathising with them and condemn what
made them both victims and come together, the generations that should have
done better fell into the pits of murky fighting from which they have not
been able to find an escape route to date. Instead of the special
relationship, they embroiled the region with a cynical special war. How to
bring about a special peace founded on the special relationship from the
special war is the overriding priority of the time brooking no delay at
all.*

Today, the current tragedy of war that continues to torment the region has
been spearheaded mainly by internal actors in pursuit of their own power
tenure needs with an alliance with covert and overt external divisive
forces. In fact external forces work together with internal actors in
contributing to complicating the relationship by working with divisive
internal forces.

Minus these forces that have imposed a tragic barbaric war situation, the
people left to their own can live amicably without the danger and the
frequent outbreaks of war between them by employing traditional mediation
and customs to arbitrate any disputes that may arise between them.

The people are capable and rely on commonsense and the decency that they
inherited from their long history and God- fearing collective behaviour to
live in peace and harmony. If it were not for the decent character of the
people themselves, Ethiopia would have been in a worse shape today than it
is now. The elite seem largely to behave with deception, intrigues and
cruelty lacking any semblance of historical and moral depth. Specially the
ruling elite lack moral and historical sense, and intellectual honesty and
principles in doing politics, thus being uncaring in throwing the region
into unending turmoil unmindful of the fact that the region has been
suffering under the colonial-imperial gaze for centuries! The elite has
thrown the region to be in a much worse tragic condition today more than
ever when it should be free from the means of death during the 21st century.

Franz Fanon called the post-colonial African ruling elites a’ useless
class’ by judging their awful actions with regard to bring welfare and
freedom for the people. Let alone these elites to be a force of good and
wellbeing, they are not even good at ‘exploiting’ the people without
oppressing them with violence, confounding language games, and tribalism.
Fanon could not see their usefulness. He saw their utter uselessness!
Sadly, he continues to be right! How we wish he was wrong by the elite
re-emerging with great historical vision, political principle and
intellectual honesty!!!

4. From the Scramble of Africa to the Present no War, no Peace Situation

After the post world war II settlement brought Eritrea into a federation
with Ethiopia with the support of the victorious powers of the war, the
relationship became like a bad marriage since 1961. After a generation of
brutal war the final divorce came in 1991.What is even more tragic is that
after the divorce, the hostile relationship continues without any closure
with the ruling parties on both North and South sides of the Mereb River
going to full scale war between 1998-2000, and continuing to talk with
confounding hyperbole and moral abandon by signing a treaty in Algiers
which the Ethiopian general who led the war on the Ethiopian side tells us
now openly that it should not have been signed at all. (See Ethiomedia).

Now we are left with a dilemma: What can work to bring normality between
Eritrea and Ethiopia? Eritrea being in a federation with Ethiopia led to
war for a generation and did not bring peace. Breaking the federation and
going for the ‘special relationship’ did not bring peace either. We are
left with the query: what would work to create a peaceful relationship
between Eritrea and Ethiopia again, if ever it is possible?

We hear today with wonderment when the EPLF leader advocates one Ethiopia!
Equally also we hear with astonishment the TPLF leaders declare they would
leave no stone unturned to fight anyone including even those who came from
Eritrea who dare to threaten an independent Eritrean state. If the Eritrean
leader would fight for one Ethiopia, and the Ethiopians fight for an
independent Eritrea, one wonders why they have chosen to impose a ‘no war,
no peace’ oppressive and killer situation that continues to disrupt normal
life in the wider region of the so-called Horn of Africa. Do they really
mean what they say, or is what they say no more than a public relations
stunt? Their actions and their words seem to be up side down and incoherent
to say the least.

If the leader of Eritrea advocates for one Ethiopia, one would expect him
not to fight Ethiopia. If the leaders of the TPLF advocate for an
independent Eritrea, one should expect behaviour not to fight Eritrea by
them.

But their words belie their actions. What we see is that the Eritrean
leaders fighting Ethiopia and the leaders of the TPLF fighting Eritrea!
Both seem comfortable creating at present a no war no peace situation to
the determinant of the people on both sides of the Mereb River.

Not only do these forces talk opposite to their walk, they also are engaged
in a tit-for tat opposition, where one supports, the other opposes
strangely almost like a knee-jerk reaction. Perhaps their intention may not
be evil, but their real actions of war continue to have lethal consequences
to the people on both sides. If the leaders of TPLF join the coalition of
the willing, the Eritrean leaders join also the coalition of the willing,
not because they believe in fighting in Iraq in support of the USA, but for
the reason not to be out foxed by the TPLF leaders who have chosen to be
part of the coalition against the global war on terror!

Closer to home, with respect to the Indian Ocean neighbour Somalia, the
TPLF leaders are embroiled supporting the transitional Government that has
in it former warlords, and the Eritrean leaders side supports the growing
opposition constituted from the former Islamic Courts and sees a big
opportunity to weaken the regime in Ethiopia. In the May 13,2008 Reuters
interview, Issias does not wish a UN and US role as doing ‘any useful
purpose’ in Somalia claiming such moves are meant only to “weaken the
Somali Resistance!” Issias hopes the Somali resistance’ will prevail at the
end of the day.” As long as the TPLF leaders are involved, Issias can only
see supporting the resistance against them. It is not for Somali peace, it
is more against the competitor enemy- the TPLF leaders that Issias’s
attention is focused upon.

Here again they may both be claiming they want peace in Somalia, but their
actions demonstrate the spreading of war and the cultivation of a
generalised insecurity and war community over the Horn prompting USA policy
makers to designate the whole region one of the most dangerous fronts for
conducting the ‘global war on terror’ second only to Afghanistan-Pakistan,
replacing Iraq!

Though the Eritrean leader says Eritreans stand for one Ethiopia, the same
leader sees no contradiction in supporting any opposition to the regime in
Ethiopia that he thinks can be used to undermine the TPLF regardless of
whether the opposition has plan to disintegrate the one Ethiopia they
advocate in their glossy magazines in three languages!

Likewise in Ethiopia, the TPLF leaders support opposition to the ruling
party in Eritrea despite the fact the said opposition may have elements
that may be reactionary jihadists associated with the Sudanese Islamist
regime.

We have ruling parties who say what they do not mean, think only to
undermine each other, full of opportunism and myopia, do war when they can,
embellished though with rhetoric of peace, unable to care for the people
and the region to emerge from its generalised status of humiliation by
wasting time and money on weapons and protection for themselves and their
loyal entourages.

At the same time all along the Eritrean ruling party leader Issias and some
intellectuals always have claimed Eritrea has and should have a special
relationship with Ethiopia.4

Right now there is no special relationship. What exists is a special war,
where the war is fought not to bring conclusive results but to maintain a
long-term unstable no war, no peace state, when possible, or with a real
risk of a state of war when things go out of control! What we are left with
is an endless play with obscurantist language games by morally bankrupt
useless elites on the back of the enormous suffering and humiliation of the
gentle people of Ethiopia and Eritrea. We live in the shadows of
confounding talks of war and an imminent threat that can be triggered by
design, provocation or sheer accident.

5. Is the Special War to maintain the special relationship in a violent
form?

It is said disputes that go out of control amongst brothers can be very
cruel and vicious. The Eritrean leader to his credit has never abandoned
the special relationship talk between Ethiopia and Eritrea that was
formally declared in the 1980s when there was a full guerrilla war between
the EPLF and the Military Government in Ethiopia. After Eritrean
independence there appeared to be a brief honey moon for the special
relationship until the outbreak of the special war in1998! After the war
the special relationship does not seem to be abandoned only that it seems
to be expressed with a special war. The question is why the special
relationship is not founded on a peaceful pedigree? What went wrong? Even
better how can it be re-founded on a peaceful pedigree?

The USA and Britain have a special relationship. But it is based on the
understanding the USA is the stronger power and Britain is a special ally
that always supports the USA even if it has private misgivings about some
of the steps taken by the USA. Britain knows it is a junior partner and is
very comfortable with her diminished status. The special relationship is
not a relationship of equal. It is a mature understanding who is more
powerful and how the less powerful adds power to it by allying with the
powerful.

When Eritrea and Ethiopia describe a special relationship, it looked there
is no clarity who is the older brother and who is the younger brother. What
seems to define the relationship is arrogance in abundance held by both
sides to the brim. Both have their self- justified narratives. And they are
right. No one can dispute what they think, plan, say and do and still be
accommodated or tolerated. TPLF said we helped you to get your independent
state. EPLF countered by saying we helped you to assume state power in
Ethiopia. Neither was willing to budge an inch from this position. Far from
relating specially they ended up relating competitively on every front. And
problems that remain unsettled could not be settled once the leaders and
the parties have squandered the good will for each other. The special
relationship could not stand the pressures of solving political problems.

After the Algiers Agreement the two leaders signed a deal to station a UN
sponsored peace keeping force on the Badme area, the border of dispute they
have been telling the world they went to war for! They want to use a 1902
unequal colonial treaty to settle the border and this treaty appeared to
put Badme within Eritrean border, if the demarcation is accepted. This is a
big scandal. What colonial treaties across Africa did is split family from
family, and here we have those who tell us are liberation fronts trying to
impose an unequal colonial treaty that they should emphatically have
rejected.

Today in Africa the most natural integration efforts take place through
cross border movements of people. Cross border trade is booming and
families and relatives that have found themselves in different states by
artificially drawn borders are defying the checkpoints by the states. Can
anyone understand why Eritrea and Ethiopia could go to war to enforce a
defunct colonial unequal treaty?

In a workshop we held in Aalborg University, the Afar paper presenter
relayed a moving story. He said he knew families that live in four states.
For example a husband had four wives who live in Djibouti, Ethiopia,
Eritrea and Somalia. What this means is that to visit brothers, sisters
wives and husbands the family visitors need visas. In the case of the
belligerent countries, Ethiopia with Eritrea, and Djibouti with Eritrea, it
may not be even easy to get the visas. So families are separated. It seems
the independent post-colonial state comes at a heavy price, the cost of
splitting families. Since this may not affect the elite, they may not care
it is a problem.

Those who want to hold conferences in Addis Ababa may not do so if
Eritreans have to participate or the vice versa because apparently of visa
restrictions. That is what those invited to participate have claimed. This
affects the flow of knowledge, the flow of people and the life and well
being of people. It also affects many Eritreans who have Ethiopian
families, and conversely many Ethiopians who have Eritrean families.

6. The Algiers Agreement and the Special Relationship?

The opportunity to recreate a special relationship may have occurred when
the Algiers agreement was concluded, but it did not take place either.
Instead of trust the agreement complicated the situation by bringing in UN
peace keepers with troops drawn from over 60 countries!!! Now we have
reached the point that this UN keeping force is no longer welcome. Troops
have been building up with occasional skirmishes that may lead either by
accident or design once more recreating the major slaughter of the
1998-2000 brutal war.

If the Eritrean leader advocates a one Ethiopia policy, and the leaders in
Ethiopia will go to war to defend Eritrean sovereignty, how can they
justify a war over finding and settling a border between them without
resorting to war? Why re-create a state of enmity and violence, the state
of belligerence, the preparation for war, and the hostile propaganda? How
come they continue the state of the special war? Today there is a
protracted imposition of a neither peace nor full war situation? What is
mind boggling is that this state seems to suit the conflicting parties to
extend their respective rules of a country they split into two and are
desperately seeking to foster an evil and cruel atmosphere of a never
ending enmity. When are they likely to change this status?

7. Concluding Remark: From Special War to Special Peace?

History will absolve those who take risks for peace even though they may
have been waging a criminal war. The first challenge is to appeal to those
who are committing the historical crime against the people and the region:
We appeal to the current executioners of war to change from their current
misguided ventures and come out, openly and publicly to join the call
against war and for peace, development and civilisation. They desist from
their war course to engage in peace cultivation by declaring and committing
themselves that they are against war now or in the future putting at risk
the welfare and development of both Eritrea and Ethiopia and the region as
a whole. Even when one side starts it, they would not overreact the way
Russia reacted to the Georgian provocation! They would work to dilute the
provocation and stop the fighting. They will not even be provoked if others
wish to indulge in provocation in the first place, should be the correct
attitude. This bold step requires the existence of people sensitive
leadership as opposed to what we have currently in the region’s very
arrogant power sensitive leadership. Such people-empowering and people well
being enhancing leadership does not exist now on both sides of the Mereb
River. We would like to call for courage and foresight to emerge and bold
people sensitive leadership to come from the current power- hungry and
arrogant leadership either by the conversion of those who are arrogant or
those who are not coming forward to leadership. A risk for peace is worth
taking. Take it now!!!

If indeed the border demarcation is the issue, stop using 1902 unequal
colonial treaties. Create an open border free zone where active local
government based on the choices, deliberations, mediations of the people
resident in the border areas can run affairs with a jointly framed and
conceptualised supporting Eritrean-Ethiopian overall regulatory authority.

We do not need borders between Eritrea and Ethiopia because it is not easy
to demarcate them and get it right short of relying on colonial maps that
divide families. In Africa the borders are artificial and mostly
irrational. Drawing them and imposing them excludes and divides families.
When the families try to cross borders they are stigmatised as criminals
when in fact what they do is sensible, see their wives and children!!! So
the border is a non- issue. It has been an issue for ulterior motives no
doubt. It is a crime that a two year war was fought over it at the cost of
so many lives!! Those that started this war must submit to history’s world
court of judgment and honestly admit their mistakes and move on to address
the rebuilding of the lives of the people.

Immediately stop the politics of whoever is against the regimes is worthy
of support. Stop this childish game in a region where death and destruction
is the overwhelming reality and image. Whoever opposes the TPLF leaders is
a friend of the EPLF leaders or the vice versa is too insane to indulge in
and make it ones major line in politics.

Establishing step by step a genuine and trustful road to mending the
Eritrean-Ethiopian special relationship is necessary. If as Issias says
even the angels and Christ may not normalise the current regimes, efforts
must be made to bring to the forefront those who can be like angels to
normalise the relationship. There are some tough issues that need to be
addressed whether the angels or the demons had to deal with them: coming to
terms with the war is important if not to learn never to repeat it again
ever!

The use of the ports by Ethiopia is another issue.

The principles for gradual integration of the two states to forge a large
Horn of Africa regional integration are relevant to start thinking about.

The terms of the special relationship after the special war to bring about
a special peace that will sustain a future of stability, security and
prosperity has to be re-worked. Under what arrangements can the principles
of the special relationship to be founded? There should be a frank and open
discussion of how best to develop the Eritrean-Ethiopian relationship from
the economy, the army, governance, security, the state, citizenship, press
freedom, rule of law, civil society and a host of other related issues.

The opposition should take establishing the special relationship between
Eritrea and Ethiopia as a priority matter. Opposition groups must refrain
from using the games played by the TPLF regime and EPLF regimes against one
another. Their ‘angel and Christ’ character should prevail over the
deceptive, cruel, demonic character that characterises much of the politics
of the region.

Opposition from Eritrea should build links with opposition in Ethiopia and
should subvert the possible misuse by the regimes of each others
oppositions against one another.

Any war between Eritrea and Ethiopia is not justified by any ground. There
are no issues worth fighting for. If the TPLF is comfortable to make
Ethiopia landlocked, there is absolutely no reason to fight over border
demarcation when it is clear such borders are not easy to demarcate
dividing the same people!

If for any reason war erupts, both Eritreans and Ethiopians should not
fight, instead they should extend to each other the warm and sincere hands
of peace and brotherhood to say never to war and work tirelessly for peace
and civilisation. Strong anti-war movements must be forged in alliance with
each other and the broadest possible peace front should abort the war
mongers’ schemes to create slaughter.

Finally, Ethiopia and Eritrea must not be expected to make peace until the
angels or Christ comes to normalise their relationship! The time when
Christ comes may not be known. It is not just or fair to let the Ethiopian
and Eritrean people hold hostage to war until Christ comes. We need His
support to end the war. He always helps those who are eager and engaged to
work for peace. Let all Eritreans and Ethiopians from those who are
oppressively ruled to those who rule them with oppression and war come to
believe peace is possible and it can be made. Let each one of us all go for
it so that all can go together to stop war and open society and the region
for peace, development and civilisation!

--
1 “I will stay as long as it takes. That is not my choice. That is not my
preference. It has to be decided based on the situation on the ground…. I
will not be scared someone coming and telling me ‘well you have to go, we
have to find a change… I am not a fool.” (Issias, Reuters Interview May
13,2008)
2 Ethiopia’s relation with the colonising powers has been seen by some as
if Ethiopia too played a role like the colonisers themselves. That is a
gross historical fiction having been peddled by the ethnic entrepreneurial
project that has been imposed on the country, abetted and nurtured by the
Eritrean Fronts since 1961 in describing the defunct Eritrean federation
with Ethiopia as a relation of the colonizer and the colonized. Ethiopia as
a country was very much a victim of colonialism and not a coloniser to be
ranked with the big powers during the Scramble for Africa. Ethiopia as the
country was under constant colonial pressure mainly from Italy, Britain and
France during the Scramble for Africa, falling periodically under the
conquests, unequal treaties, wars and intrigues of the colonial powers,
though despite all these imperial-colonial machinations and manipulations,
it remained formally un-colonised. That it remained un-colonised does not
elevate its status to a colonial power. Its own drives to unify the country
under the threat and pressures of colonialism cannot be described as
colonialism. This point must be repeated time and time again until both
friends and foes of Ethiopia get it completely and clearly.
3 I was at the time Chairman of the Ethiopian Community in Britain when the
provisional Government was declared by Issaias on May 28, 1991. We were in
a demonstration at the US embassy in London when a BBC news hour reporter
4 ’Ethiopia and Eritrea have a special relationship.’ See Amare Tekle,
Eritrea and Ethiopia from Conflict to Cooperation, RSP, p.2
5 They asked me to join their studio at 1pm. I went to the studio and the
BBC played the statement from Issias. The BBC reporter asked me now that
Eritrea is declaring a Government and what my views were. “My reply was
that there will be war soon.” He asked me how can there be war when the
TPLF is also backing the Eritrean independence: “I repeated my answer:
there will be war’. I cannot tell you the precise time, I added. A year
later Martin Plaut asked me similar question, I repeated my answer by
reiterating there will be war. Two years later there was a one day workshop
on Eritrea and Ethiopia in Oxford on economic cooperation and development,
I raised the awkward issues saying the politics needs to be settled
properly before we talk about long-term economic cooperation between
Eritrea and Ethiopia. Some of the Ethiopians from the Ethiopian Economic
Association tried to shout me down. But I held my position that we must
address the political problems that would lead to war. I wished I was
wrong. But the war came. That it came may not be a problem. Bu that there
is no end to it is a real worry. We must go to the root and find solutions
that endure the test of time and history!


Mammo Muchie, Dphil
Professor, Chair Person NES
Coordinator of DIIPER
Research Centre on Development Innovation and IPER and
NRF/DST SARCHI chairholder, TUT, South Africa
Aalborg University
Fibigertraede 2
9220-Aalborg East
Aalborg, Denmark
Tel.no. 00-45 9940 9813
fax.no. 00-45 9815 3298
http://www.diiper.ihis.aau.dk/
http://www.ccis.aau.dk/

------------------------------
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